How private media managers talk about responsibility to society in an era of turmoil
Trine Syvertsen, Karen Donders, Gunn Enli and Tim Raats
of commercial business. This has always included incidents and trends that have put the pursuit of profits above the public interest; still there is a strong history of attempts to balance the two. (Croteau & Hoynes, 2006: 33)
A broad public purpose of private media was, at least until recently, “widely, if not universally, accepted” (Croteau & Hoynes, 2006: 32), involving notions such as diversity, innovation, substance and independence. The authors noted that serving the public interest is usually understood as “a vibrant media system that is open to various
terms of quality and other measures of importance to viewers, has outperformed the former home video market channels of choice. These are the trademarks of a disruptive technology ( Bower & Christensen, 1995 ), and companies like Netflix and Amazon have adapted the technology in their disruptive innovation ( Christensen et al., 2015 ) and grown into major global film outlets. As the way in which we consume films changes, feedback effects may also cause changes in the films that we choose to see and eventually the films being produced. These cultural effects of
above is probably very familiar to television viewers. A mix of linear and non-linear use of television is increasingly part of the patterns of everyday life, and the traditional method of distributing television content is being disrupted both from outside the traditional television companies, by transnational over-the-top competitors (OTTs) and social media, and from within the organizations themselves. Christensen’s definition of the concept disruptive innovations ( Christensen et al., 2015 ) stresses that disruption is first of all a process taking place over a
Exploring imagined affordances of automation in news journalism
Stefanie Sirén-Heikel, Leo Leppänen, Carl-Gustav Lindén and Asta Bäck
“affordances suggest different actions than those for which the object is designed”, resulting in errors, possible misalignment of the actual uses and declining interest ( Gaver, 1991 : 5). Similarly, disregarding the social obscures the ambitions, powers and desires behind the technological systems, which, in the current media landscape, can have a profound effect on media producers and users.
This work has been co-funded by Business Finland (previously TEKES, the Finnish Funding Agency for Technology and Innovation), Svenska kulturfonden, the Media
Public service, ethics, objectivity, autonomy and immediacy are still often considered the core values of professional journalism. However, photojournalistic work has confronted historic changes since the advent of digitalization in the late 1980s. Professional photo-journalists have been caught manipulating news images, video production has become a major part of news photographers’ work, and newspapers freely publish photographs and videos taken by the general public.
The present article examines how news photographers negotiate these changes in photo-journalistic work practices, and how they define their professional ambitions in the digital age. Photojournalists’ articulations of professionalism are approached in relation to three digital innovations in photojournalism: digital photo editing, video production and user-generated images in newspapers. The empirical data consist of an online survey of and interviews with photojournalists in Finland. In the final analysis, it is suggested that the core ideals of photojournalism have to be renegotiated, because the work environment has changed drastically.
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