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Language Differentiation of Ukraine’s Population

, (2) village dialect surzhyk, (3) Sovietized-Ukrainian surzhyk, (4) urban bilinguals’ surzhyk, and (5) post-independence surzhyk ( Bilaniuk 2004 ). It is more often used by ethnic Ukrainians (14%) than by ethnic Russians (5%). Furthermore, surveys show significant regional differences in the use of surzhyk: from 2.5% in the Western and 9.6% in the Eastern region to as much as 21.6% in the East-Central region ( Khmelko 2004 ). Generally, the population of Ukraine mainly speak Ukrainian and Russian. Bilingualism risks and language bipolarity in Ukraine The

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Parameters of the Transition from a Cultural to a Political Program by the Czech and Slovak Elites in the Mid-19th Century

Introduction Aside from looking at political history, any examination of the politicization of bourgeois elites needs to pay particular attention to the history of ideas and political thought too. Looking at it from a Central European perspective, this approach has a strong tradition, especially in Poland and Hungary, partly also in Slovakia, but not in the Czech lands. This is yet another reason why we need to build on analytical works within political theory (e.g., works of the Slovak philosopher Tibor Pichler ) See especially Pichler Tibor , Etnos a

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The Arabic Language: A Latin of Modernity?

English by Jonathan Wright] Laverstock Aflame Almási, Gábor and Šubarić, Lav, eds. 2015. Latin at the Crossroads of Identity: The Evolution of Linguistic Nationalism in the Kingdom of Hungary (Ser: Central and Eastern Europe, Vol 5). Leiden: Brill. Almási Gábor Šubarić Lav 2015 Latin at the Crossr oads of Identity: The Evolution of Linguistic Nationalism in the Kingdom of Hungary Ser: Central and Eastern Europe 5 Leiden Brill Amin, Hussein. 1996. Egypt and the Arab World in the Satellite Age (pp 103-126). In: John Sinclair, Elizabeth Jacka, Stuart Cunningham, eds

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A Bridge to the Past: Public Memory and Nostalgia for the Communist Times in Modern Georgia

-communist countries became a Petri cup for studying collective memory and nostalgia, as the changes in political and social system happened quite recently and were dramatic enough to conceptualize nostalgia and analyze the variety of forms it may take. Majority of the research is dedicated to Eastern Germany, and its Ostalgie, ex-Yugoslavia’s Yugonostalgia, and other Central European and Balkan countries. However, Georgia has its specific type of nostalgia that developed and existed in a completely different context. In Georgia, nostalgic feelings contradict the official narrative

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Anti-Islamism without Moslems: Cognitive Frames of Czech Antimigrant Politics

, 242), coupled with feelings of risk, danger, and threat. Increasing number of refugees in 2015 led temporally to the increasing coverage of issues related to migrants or Islam by the Czech media. The tenor of the news was negative, and the media used the concept of “othering” of the migrants ( Burešová and Sedláková 2016 ). It is therefore not surprising that the anti-Islam and antimigrant rhetoric is used by extremist politicians and their parties. This is a phenomenon typical for use in the toolbox of recent far-right parties in both Western and Central Europe

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The Troubled Pasts of Hungarian and German Minorities in Slovakia and Their Representation in Museums

What is forgotten need not necessarily be lost forever . Aleida Assmann Introduction Central Europe and its diverse societies faced significant border changes and political regime shifts during the 20th century. Ethnically, nationally, or religiously defined groups of people found themselves fluctuating between favored and disadvantaged social positions, at times identifying with the majority and at other times identifying as minority. The cases of German and Hungarian populations in the territory of today’s Slovakia were no exception. After the end of

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Between Language Revitalization and Assimilation: On the Language Situation of the German Minority in the Czech Republic

the German nationality in 1950, the community shrank to 18,658 individuals according to the most recent census in 2011. Germans are thus less numerous than most of the other 14 officially acknowledged national minorities in the Czech Republic. However, this weakness in numbers does not correspond with the economic power of the German state as well as the latter’s general commitment and ability to support German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. Both the Czech government and the Federal Republic of Germany are currently implementing their language policies

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Some Aspects of Identity Politics of Kharkiv Local Authorities After 2013

/2660/80788 > [Accessed 31 August 2017]. Kuzio T. (2015). Ukraine: democratization, corruption, and the new Russian imperialism. Santa Barbara: Praeger. Maloveryan Y. (2014). Ukraine crisis: No talk of split in eastern city of Kharkiv [online]. Available at < > [Accessed 31 August 2017]. Marples David R., Decommunisation in Ukraine. Implementation, pros and cons [online]. Warsaw, New Eastern Europe. Available at < > [Accessed 31 August 2017

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Divided National Identity in Moldova

awareness was common to all of Eastern Europe. However, we see differences in the way that these nationalistic tendencies were used by politicians and local ethnic groups ( Montanari 2001 ). With gradual nationalization in other Soviet republics, such as the Baltic states and Central Asia, Moldovans were also becoming aware of their national identity. Weakening of central power and the lessening of censorship were accompanied by ethnic tensions in Moldova. Since the first years of independence, the country has been facing very difficult problems, including separatist

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People as the Roots (of the State): Democratic Elements in the Politics of Traditional Vietnamese Confucianism

grassroots or village democracy in Vietnam, to gauge whether there are indeed democratic elements within the Vietnamese system, Duong (2004) looked at the Marxist–Leninist principle of democratic centralism – which means the people and party members can discuss issues at all levels but the central authority represents the individuals collectively and gets to make the final decisions. Zingerli (2004) highlighted the constraints in the government’s decree no. 29, which was issued in 2000, on theoretically increasing public participation in decision-making, monitoring

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