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Planned stagnation? The economic plan vs. reality in the Czechoslovak railway sector of the 1970s and 1980s

dopravy, upevňování disciplíny a pořádku při uspokojování potřeb národního hospodářství a obyvatelstva, 7. 7. 1988, P 79/88, bod 5, Předsednictvo ÚV KSČ 1986–1989, 1261/0/9, NA ČR. (Results of Monitoring the Fulfilment by Communist Party Members and Party Organizations at the Ministry of Transport of the CSSR and in Selected Subordinate Organizations of the Objectives Set by the XVII Congress, with a Focus on the Fluency and Efficiency of Railroad Transport, Strengthening Discipline and Order while Satisfying the Needs of the National Economy and Population, 7. 7. 1988

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Radical Left in Albania and Kosovo: Differences and Similarities

-539 • IKS. (2011). A Power Primer, A Handbook to Politics, People and Parties in Kosovo. Prishtina: Kosovo Stability Initiative, • Ishiyama, J. (2001). Party Organization and the political success of the communist successor parties. Social Sciences Quarterly, 82 (4), 844-861 • Kanzleiter, B., & Tomic, D. (2012). The left in the post-Yugoslav area. In B. Daiber, C. Hildebrandt, & A. Striethorst, From revolution to coalition - radical left parties in Europe (pp. 309-325). Berlin: Rosa-Luxemburg-Foundation. • Kajsiu, B. (2008

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Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine: Hybrid Regime Dynamics Under Semi-Presidentialism

Politics Vol. 34, No. 3 (2002): 253-272. Samuels, David J., and Matthew S. Shugart. Presidents, Parties, and Prime Ministers: How Separation of Powers Affects Party Organization and Behavior. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Sedelius, Thomas. "Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur: Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder." Nordisk Østforum Vol. 22, No. 8 (2008): 142-161. Sedelius, Thomas, and Olga Mashtaler. "A Troubled Tandem? Character and Issues of Intra

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Parliamentarism Versus Semi-Presidentialism in the Baltic States: The Causes and Consequences of Differences in the Constitutional Frameworks

Osteuropas . Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag. Samuels, D.J., Shugart, M.S. Presidents, Parties, and Prime Ministers. How the Separation of Powers Affect Party Organization and Behavior . Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Sartori, G. 1999. Neither Presidentialism nor Parliamentarism, In: Linz, J. J., Valenzuela, A. (eds.) The Failure of Presidential Democracy . Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1994, pp. 106–118. Shugart, M. S., Carey, J. M. 1992. Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics . Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Siaroff, A

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The Never-ending Story: Czech Governments, Corruption and Populist Anti-Corruption Rhetoric (2010–2018)

Eastern Europe, in Bull, M. J. – Newell, J. L., eds. Corruption in Contemporary Politics . 193–206, Palgrave Macmillan. Hopkin, Jonathan – Paolucci, Caterina (1999): The business form party model of party organisation: Cases from Spain and Italy. European Journal of Political Research 35 (3): 307–339. Choi, Eunjung – Woo, Jongseok (2011): Liberal reform, political corruption and socio-economic impacts in Asia and Eastern Europe. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 52 (3): 181–196. Info.cz (2018): Trestní stíhání Babiše by mohlo

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The Czech Pirate Party in the 2010 and 2013 Parliamentary Elections and the 2014 European Parliament Elections: Spatial Analysis of Voter Support

Democratic Equality in Political Parties: Organisational Consequences in the Swedish and the German Pirate Parties. Scandinavian Political Studies , 38(2), pp. 158-178. BRUNCLÍK, M., 2010. Pirátské strany: nový fenomén v politice. Naše společnost , 8(1), pp. 21-29. BRUNSDON, C., FOTHERINGHAM, S. A. and CHARLTON, M. E., 1996. Geographically Weighted Regression: A Method for Exploring Spatial Nonstationarity. Geographical Analysis , 28(4), pp. 281-298. BRUNSDON, C., 2009. Statistical Inference for Geographical Processes. In: A.S. Fotheringham and P

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The Left or the Right? The Political Logic Behind the Economic Policies of the Communist Successor Parties in Central Europe

Strategies in New EU Members: Microeconomic, Macroeconomic and Sectoral Aspects." Universidad Complutense Madrid working paper #9, 1999: 1-74 // http://www.ucm.es/BUCM/cee/papeles/09/pape0404220010a.pdf Ishiyama, John T. "Party Organization and the Political Success of the Communist Successor Parties." Social Science Quarterly 82:4 (December 2001): 844 - 864 // http://www.olemiss.edu/courses/pol628/ishiyama01.pdf (accessed December 27, 2009). http://www.olemiss.edu/courses/pol628/ishiyama01.pdf Ishiyama, John T

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How Social Media Managers for Danish Political Parties Perceive User-Generated Content

three codes primarily pertain to access and interaction, while the final code, (user) influence, relates to political participation. Following the analysis, we discuss the implications of our findings in relation to this theoretical framework. Findings Across the 18 interviews, the respondents articulate that public social media accounts, particularly on Facebook, have become central components in communication strategies for both party organisations and individual political candidates. This is reflected in each party organisation, in which increasing amounts of

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Crowning Moments
Transformative populist use of the media and the case of Carl I. Hagen

ideology” ( Freeden, 1998 ; Mudde, 2004 ) that eschews detail-rich policy programmes in favour of sweeping, often slogan-driven policy solutions centring on the populist leader’s supposedly exceptional leadership abilities. Populists are also often very sceptical of party organisations and prefer unmediated decision-making by a strong leader. Mogens Glistrup, for example, opposed a party organisation because he did not want to be bothered with it, while Anders Lange saw party organisations as the mode of establishment politics ( Harmel et al., 2018 ). Populists

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Logics of the Icelandic Hybrid Media System
Snapchat and media-use before the 2016 and 2017 Althing elections

communication in the country, but it also provides an interesting case because of the dynamics of a hybrid media system, where both candidates and party organizations systematically target political messages to different audiences through a variety of media channels ( Chadwick et al., 2016 ). A number of studies have been conducted on the use of social media in election campaigns in Scandinavia, many of them involving the use of Twitter ( Jungherr, 2016 ), but only very few studies include Iceland ( Bergsson 2014 ; Guðmundsson, 2014 Guðmundsson, 2016 ) According to one of

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