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How Social Media Managers for Danish Political Parties Perceive User-Generated Content
Johan Farkas and Sander Andreas Schwartz
three codes primarily pertain to access and interaction, while the final code, (user) influence, relates to political participation. Following the analysis, we discuss the implications of our findings in relation to this theoretical framework.
Across the 18 interviews, the respondents articulate that public social media accounts, particularly on Facebook, have become central components in communication strategies for both partyorganisations and individual political candidates. This is reflected in each partyorganisation, in which increasing amounts of
Transformative populist use of the media and the case of Carl I. Hagen
ideology” ( Freeden, 1998 ; Mudde, 2004 ) that eschews detail-rich policy programmes in favour of sweeping, often slogan-driven policy solutions centring on the populist leader’s supposedly exceptional leadership abilities. Populists are also often very sceptical of partyorganisations and prefer unmediated decision-making by a strong leader. Mogens Glistrup, for example, opposed a partyorganisation because he did not want to be bothered with it, while Anders Lange saw partyorganisations as the mode of establishment politics ( Harmel et al., 2018 ). Populists
Snapchat and media-use before the 2016 and 2017 Althing elections
communication in the country, but it also provides an interesting case because of the dynamics of a hybrid media system, where both candidates and partyorganizations systematically target political messages to different audiences through a variety of media channels ( Chadwick et al., 2016 ). A number of studies have been conducted on the use of social media in election campaigns in Scandinavia, many of them involving the use of Twitter ( Jungherr, 2016 ), but only very few studies include Iceland ( Bergsson 2014 ; Guðmundsson, 2014 Guðmundsson, 2016 ) According to one of