Time of Troubles (1598–1613), in the course of the interregnum, when Polish authorities supported two pretenders to the Russian throne (false Dimitri I and II) and Polish troops invaded Russia. For the sake of objectivity, it is important to stress that this was not entirely a Polish–Russian conflict, even if it has been since perceived as such in the Russian collective unconscious and even in historiography; rather the Polish Commonwealth came down on the side of one of the parties in the Russian civil wa ., therefore one cannot speak here of pure and simple
. What is more, individual figures can be perceived positively or negatively by particular social groups and sometimes even by a whole nation. Thus, evoking specific characters can have a positive impact on the image of a person who is compared to such a figure or the effect can be completely opposite, i.e. negative. If we consider the third formulated category, we should add that whether a particular figure strengthens the image of a given candidate or, conversely, has a negative impact on it depends on a multitude of different factors, often independent of each other
circulates in the local news discourse and who disseminates them. This analysis is by no means a complex analysis of how the presidency of Obama is perceived in Kenya. However, even with this partial scope, the analysis can reveal some important aspects of the perceptual dimension of US–African relations, which is an inseparable part of the soft power of the US on the continent.
The article proceeds as follows. First, the perceptual dimension of international relations within the theoretical framework of soft power and strategic narratives and within the methodological
assume that the neutral expression “Slovakia is not responsible” only proved that Slovak society perceives the EU decision as something that is happening far away and which does not concern them personally.
The most frequent phrases of Slovak politicians connected to refugee crisis
“Quotas are not the solution, solution is in the countries of migrants’ origin”
Slovakia is not responsible
Slovakia is not responsible
these events in the development of victimization narratives and political mobilization of the Crimean Tatars ( Nikolko 2018 , Ozcelik 2015 ). They point to the change in the politics of memory in annexed Crimea, where “depolitization together with generalization of the memorial dates and events is followed by unification of memorial practices” ( Nikolko 2018 , 88). Nikolko stressed that the repressive trends developing in Crimea provided a very little hope for fair research and public discussion of the traumatic past in Crimea. According to her, the “new authorities
declared its independence from Tsarist Russia. However, on March 27, 1918, it was united with Romania by a decision of the Moldavian Assembly. Both in 1859 and in 1918, the Moldavian element in the process of Romanian unification was of crucial importance ( Ghimpu 2002 ). In 1859, Moldavian Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza was elected in both principalities, formalizing the official union. However, in 1918, Moldavia decided on unification. Bukovina and Transylvania waited until November and December 1918, respectively.
There is an emphasis on the unity perceived between the
historian Pierre Nora understood museums as one of the elementary tools of history, perceived by him as problematic reconstructions of the past ( Nora 1989 , 12). Museums, according to Nora, are lieux de mémoire (places of memory), “the ultimate embodiments of a memorial consciousness that has barely survived in a historical age that calls out for memory because it has abandoned it” ( Nora 1989 , 12). Cultural and social memory is in permanent evolution in developing individuals as well as among groups and, therefore, differs from history, which is static and universal