that the “We” and “They” categories in social praxis are not only seen in primordialist imagery, they are ascribed also a qualitative and moral dimension on the basis of the asymmetric or directly dualistic principle. In this way, the category “I”/“We” (mine/ours) often merges with the perception of the category of (the only) good, correct, nice and normal.
When speaking about Gypsies in CentralandEasternEurope, we cannot omit the historical and contemporary contexts of ethnopolitical praxis, which are different from those in Western Europe. Without explaining
, Kazakhstan: unfulfilled promise , Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington. Olcott M.B. 2002 Kazakhstan: unfulfilled promise Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Washington
Pavlenko, A. 2008, “Russian in Post-Soviet Countries”, Russian Linguistics , vol. 32, no. 1, pp. 59-80. 10.1007/s11185-007-9020-1 Pavlenko A. 2008 “Russian in Post-Soviet Countries” Russian Linguistics vol. 32 no. 1 59 80
Peyrouse, S. 2007, “Nationhood and the minority question in Central Asia. The Russians in Kazakhstan”, Europe-Asia Studies , vol
, (2) village dialect surzhyk, (3) Sovietized-Ukrainian surzhyk, (4) urban bilinguals’ surzhyk, and (5) post-independence surzhyk ( Bilaniuk 2004 ). It is more often used by ethnic Ukrainians (14%) than by ethnic Russians (5%). Furthermore, surveys show significant regional differences in the use of surzhyk: from 2.5% in the Western and 9.6% in the Eastern region to as much as 21.6% in the East-Central region ( Khmelko 2004 ). Generally, the population of Ukraine mainly speak Ukrainian and Russian.
Bilingualism risks and language bipolarity in Ukraine
Aside from looking at political history, any examination of the politicization of bourgeois elites needs to pay particular attention to the history of ideas and political thought too. Looking at it from a CentralEuropean perspective, this approach has a strong tradition, especially in Poland and Hungary, partly also in Slovakia, but not in the Czech lands. This is yet another reason why we need to build on analytical works within political theory (e.g., works of the Slovak philosopher Tibor Pichler ) See especially Pichler Tibor , Etnos a
English by Jonathan Wright] Laverstock Aflame
Almási, Gábor and Šubarić, Lav, eds. 2015. Latin at the Crossroads of Identity: The Evolution of Linguistic Nationalism in the Kingdom of Hungary (Ser: CentralandEasternEurope, Vol 5). Leiden: Brill. Almási Gábor Šubarić Lav 2015 Latin at the Crossr oads of Identity: The Evolution of Linguistic Nationalism in the Kingdom of Hungary Ser: CentralandEasternEurope 5 Leiden Brill
Amin, Hussein. 1996. Egypt and the Arab World in the Satellite Age (pp 103-126). In: John Sinclair, Elizabeth Jacka, Stuart Cunningham, eds
-communist countries became a Petri cup for studying collective memory and nostalgia, as the changes in political and social system happened quite recently and were dramatic enough to conceptualize nostalgia and analyze the variety of forms it may take. Majority of the research is dedicated to Eastern Germany, and its Ostalgie, ex-Yugoslavia’s Yugonostalgia, and other CentralEuropeanand Balkan countries. However, Georgia has its specific type of nostalgia that developed and existed in a completely different context. In Georgia, nostalgic feelings contradict the official narrative
, 242), coupled with feelings of risk, danger, and threat. Increasing number of refugees in 2015 led temporally to the increasing coverage of issues related to migrants or Islam by the Czech media. The tenor of the news was negative, and the media used the concept of “othering” of the migrants ( Burešová and Sedláková 2016 ).
It is therefore not surprising that the anti-Islam and antimigrant rhetoric is used by extremist politicians and their parties. This is a phenomenon typical for use in the toolbox of recent far-right parties in both Western andCentralEurope
What is forgotten need not necessarily be lost forever .
CentralEuropeand its diverse societies faced significant border changes and political regime shifts during the 20th century. Ethnically, nationally, or religiously defined groups of people found themselves fluctuating between favored and disadvantaged social positions, at times identifying with the majority and at other times identifying as minority. The cases of German and Hungarian populations in the territory of today’s Slovakia were no exception. After the end of
the German nationality in 1950, the community shrank to 18,658 individuals according to the most recent census in 2011. Germans are thus less numerous than most of the other 14 officially acknowledged national minorities in the Czech Republic. However, this weakness in numbers does not correspond with the economic power of the German state as well as the latter’s general commitment and ability to support German minorities in CentralandEasternEurope. Both the Czech government and the Federal Republic of Germany are currently implementing their language policies
awareness was common to all of EasternEurope. However, we see differences in the way that these nationalistic tendencies were used by politicians and local ethnic groups ( Montanari 2001 ). With gradual nationalization in other Soviet republics, such as the Baltic states andCentral Asia, Moldovans were also becoming aware of their national identity.
Weakening of central power and the lessening of censorship were accompanied by ethnic tensions in Moldova. Since the first years of independence, the country has been facing very difficult problems, including separatist