Bożena Cetnarowska. The Mixing of Passive and Non-Passive Resultative Adjectives in Polish. Lingua Posnaniensis, vol. LIV (2)/2012. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-252-2, pp. 23-35.
The present paper aims to investigate the class of Polish resultative adjectives. Section 1 gives a brief overview of participial adjectives in Polish, referred to as “resultatives” in studies on Polish wordformation. Sections 2 and 3 examine the ambiguity between perfect and resultative interpretation of participial adjectives, as well as the distinction between subject-oriented and object-oriented adjectives. The discussion in sections 4-6 focuses on the rivalry between two adjectivizing suffixes in Polish: the suffix -ł- (which also appears in past tense forms) and the suffix -n-/-t- (which functions as a passive marker). Special attention is paid to the occurrence of novel nonstandard S-oriented resultative adjectives terminating in -nięty, such as wyblaknięty (colloq.) ‘faded’.
The article compares the occurrence of pronominal possessive adjectives and denominal group adjectives in Polish event nominals. It is demonstrated that while in other Slavonic languages (e.g., in Russian) relational adjectives clearly contrast with possessive adjectives (both pronominal and lexical ones), in Polish denominal group adjectives, such as prezydencki ‘presidential’, ministerialny ‘ministerial’, or urzędniczy ‘clerk.ADJ’, resemble possessive pronouns in functioning as elements which can satisfy the argument structure of event nominals. The focus is laid on intransitive nominals, in view of the Possessor Principle proposed for Polish by Rozwadowska (1997). While some Polish intransitive nominals accompanied by possessives or by group adjectives are recognized as referential nominals (as is predicted by the analysis of Greek and Romanian group adjectives presented by Alexiadou and Stavrou, 2011, and Moreno, 2015), other intransitive nominals with such adjectival satellites are argued to be argument-supporting nominals. The association with the agentive reading (i.e., external argument interpretation) is shown to be characteristic, but not obligatory, with thematic group adjectives.