The subject of the article is reconstructing the routes of postal roads within the borders of the Lublin Voivodeship in the second half of the 18th century. The author has attempted to reconstruct the routes of postal roads, using the retrogression method and a cartographic research method with the use of GIS tools. For this purpose, manuscript cartographic and descriptive sources from the late 18th and 19th centuries were used. Cartographic material from the end of the 18th century in connection with descriptive sources constituted the basis for determining the existence of a postal connection. However, maps from the beginning of the 19th century constituted the basis for the reconstruction of the routes of postal roads. The obtained results allowed for the determination of the role of the Lublin Voivodeship in the old Polish communication system. The research has made us aware of the need for further in-depth work on communication in the pre-partition era (before 1795).
The author presents the problems associated with geographical name conventions and labels on coloured tactile maps in atlas-type publications for the blind and visually impaired, based on the author’s many years of experience. The detailed description of the ‘keys’ system and Braille ‘abbreviations’ which Polish cartography uses in this type of works shows the benefits of using the system in the editing of map series. A framework of logical and intuitive ‘abbreviations’ presents many possibilities and makes maps easier to read. The system for connecting names of a particular ‘family’ of terms by using a two-letter abbreviation preceded by a unique ‘key’ should be a fundamental principle for creating sets of Braille ‘abbreviations’ for use in a given work. The author also highlights the need to use exonyms, since Braille’s basic alphabet has none of the diacritic characters which typify various languages, which hinders the correct transcription of certain names.
The proposed system for constructing ‘abbreviations’ and ‘keys’ may also be used effectively in individual town plans and maps to improve the communication of information. The comprehensive structure of this system also makes it easier to search through indexes of ‘abbreviations’ and their explanations.
All the described elements have an impact in raising the practical value of tactile maps.
This paper focuses on the migration crisis from the perspective of Slovakia while examining the impact of the crisis on the last parliamentary elections in 2016. The migration/refugee crisis that started in 2015 played a significant role during the pre-electoral discourse and political campaigns. This paper has two main goals. The primarily goal is to apply the theory of securitization as proposed by the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute on the case study of Slovakia, and the secondary goal is to analyze the 2016 Slovak general elections. In here, I describe the securitization processes, actors, and other components of the case. Subsequently, I focus on a key element of this theory that is linked to the speech act. I evaluate Islamophobia manifestations in speech act and political manifesto of Slovak political parties. My source base includes the rhetoric of nationalist political parties such as Direction-SD (Smer-SD), Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana), We Are Family-Boris Kollár (Sme Rodina-Boris Kollár), and Kotleba-People’ Party Our Slovakia (Kotleba-Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko), all of which often apply anti-Muslim and anti-Islam rhetoric.
This article examines the rise of the nascent intellectual and business bourgeois elites of the Czechs and Slovaks, focusing on the transformation of their cultural program into a political one. The article takes a comparative approach and investigates the relationship of political programs to prepolitical identities, zooming in on the parameters of a broader Czech and Slovak state identity, including the role of the center (Vienna, Pest, Prague, or Pressburg) or language (analyzing both its unifying and divisive roles in bridging the ideas and visions of the emerging local elites). As I argue, in the case of the Czech and Slovak nationalist movements, we can observe a transition from a prepolitical to the political program in the mid-19th century itself.
Gert Pickel and Cemal Öztürk
Even though Muslim communities are virtually absent in most Eastern European societies new research shows that Islamophobia is more widespread in Eastern Europe than in Western Europe. The existence of ‘Islamophobia without Muslims’ is surprising prima facie, but in fact this empirical pattern reflects the assumption of the contact hypothesis. In a nutshell, the contact hypothesis argues that an individual’s contact with members of an ‘outgroup’ is conducive to refute existing prejudice and stereotypes. We test the explanatory power of the contact hypothesis on both the individual and the societal level. Empirically, we draw our data from the European Social Survey (2014), which allows us to conduct a systematic comparison of Eastern and Western European societies and to account for other well-established social psychological theories of prejudice and stereotyping (e. g. Social Identity Theory, Integrated Threat Theory). Our empirical results show that people with less or no contact are more prone to Islamophobic attitudes. This pattern is characteristic for Eastern European countries as the sheer absence of Muslim communities in these societies turns out to be a relevant explanation for anti-Muslim prejudice. Eastern European citizens tend to have para-social-contacts with Muslims. In general, they rely on media and statements of (populist) politicians, to build their opinions about Muslims. Negative news coverage fueled by terrorist attacks shapes the prevailing image of all Muslims, media consumption therefore intensifies already existing anti-Muslim sentiments. As a result, Eastern European countries have been comparatively unpopular choices for migrants to settle.