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Abstract

In this article, we compare the solutions which the largest Polish cities apply to effectively manage and administer public urban transport. We pay attention to the legal, administrative, and political limitations of current activities; we also analyse public transport strategies in terms of plans for the future. We state that large Polish cities prefer to entrust public transport services to fully dependent companies, do not seek to diversify service providers and do not allow the coexistence of public and private operators. Our research is the first comparative study which has used the eleven largest Polish cities as a research sample. Its results are important not only for decision-makers, but also for entrepreneurs in the transport industry. Not only does our analysis prove that, currently, urban transport in the largest Polish cities is carried out mostly by companies which fully belong to cities, but also that the future strategies of the target state will not be determined by political decision makers at all, or no significant changes are foreseen. In the largest Polish cities in the future, the tramway sector will be fully controlled by municipal companies; in the bus transport sector, private carriers will be able to count on a maximum of 20–30% share of transport work while the railway sector will remain under the control of regional administration, not local urban administration.

Abstract

In migration research, one can observe a turn towards locality and interest in the role of municipal authorities in multi-level migration governance. Migration governance can be defined as set of legislation and regulatory measures, as well as actions developed and implemented by public and private actors, at transnational, national and local levels. Integration strategies include long-term programs, as well as short-term and ad hoc activities. Migration and growing diversity in cities bring both challenges and opportunities for the local authorities. The local responses to the settlement of migrants should not be underestimated because of the focus on integration, this can build upon a common sense of belonging. This paper analyses the institutionalization of local integration strategies in two Polish cities: Gdańsk and Wrocław. The goal is to analyse the relations of diverse actors in a multi-level governance context. It looks at the aims of the strategies, tools, target groups and the definition of integration.

Abstract

Until 1989 Wałbrzych was an important industrial center of Lower Silesia. The system transformation which started in 1989 led to the liquidation of enterprises in the mining, ceramics and textile industries. The city began to be perceived in Poland as a city of high unemployment, illegal shallow coal mines or political corruption.

The city authorities began to wonder what events from the past could be helpful in creating its new image. They undertook a number of activities in this regard. The questionnaire was to assess the effectiveness of the city’s activities. It was carried out among secondary school students, students and the employees of Wałbrzych city institutions, teachers of Wałbrzych schools and councilors of the City Council. The survey was conducted in October and November 2019. The respondents indicated mainly the activities of the authorities aimed at personalizing local historical policy. The city authorities undertook a number of other initiatives in the field of local remembrance policy. The surveys showed that the initiatives were not known to the inhabitants of Wałbrzych. In the minds of respondents, there were only two historical events, namely May 3 and November 11. To a small extent, they participated in historical ceremonies present in national historical politics (e.g. the Day of the Cursed Soldiers). Apart from the figure of Princess Daisy, most respondents were unable to identify other people important to the region. Although there are a number of organizations and associations in the city, only the Princess Daisy Foundation conducted the eff ective and visible activities in the field of local remembrance policy. Although the respondents declared their interest in history, their knowledge at the local level is low.

Abstract

This article will analyse which areas rural and urban Local Action Groups (LAGs) in the Kuy-avian-Pomeranian Voivodeship function in. The thesis of this research is : LAGs are a bottom-up tool for local management. The first part presents the main assumptions of public management approaches and shows the LEADER approach and Community-Led Local Development as a form of bottom up approach in the process of public management on the local level. Then comparison analysis between rural and urban LAGs will take places. Similarities and differences were identified in the legal framework of their existence, the actors who create them, the possibility of receiving EU financial support and within the e fields of their activities. These were all analysed, along with financial activities implemented in the rural and urban LAGs in the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship through 2014–2020.

Abstract

The Urban Lab concept is aimed at creating innovations and expanding citizens’ participation in decision-making processes. This article presents the main premises of this concept, the specifics of its implementation in the conditions of Polish cities, the structure, objectives and types of activities of Urban Labs as well as functions they may perform in stimulating cooperation of the city with enterprises, scientific institutions and non-governmental organisations.

Abstract

Nowadays most of the world’s metropolises, cities, and conglomerations are substantially contaminated by noise. Development of civilization based on the intensification of car, rail, and air traffic, an increase of building density and, consequently, green areas reduction has led to major problems. Highlighting this negative phenomenon was one of the main objectives of this article. The process of noise pollution reduction is hindered not only by the needs of population growth, but also in a number of selected cities of the United States, Europe or Asia — aggressive sounds together with light and visual communications — emitted into public space, become an important element of commercial activities and remain a permanent, and even desirable, element of community culture and entertainment. The outlined problems are referred to in the introduction and discussion parts of this manuscript. At the same time, there are a number of solutions, both those currently applied and those possible to be introduced into the space of cities, which allow reduction of noise in selected zones of public and private sectors. One of the examples in the discussed field of science and practice is Tokyo — a multi-million metropolis, in which residents can experience silence both in workplaces, on streets and at home, despite the extraordinary civilization development of this metropolitan structure. Outcome analysis of solutions, used in the example city, forms the second part of the discussion in the article. Nowadays, when cities of the world are polluted with unwanted sounds, this case study is valuable, allowing the formulation of a set of clear recommendations for noise limitation in urban spaces — which are presented in the conclusions of the article. It is also worth mentioning that the spread of smart and humanized solutions aimed at noise reduction is crucial in order to build user- and environment-friendly urban environments in the near future.

Abstract

The article discusses novel methodology. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the explanatory potential of the urban regime theory used in political science studies. The author verifies the hypothesis which states that the explanatory potential of the urban regime theory, understood as the ability to explain the dynamic transformations of the socio-political reality of modern cities, is derived from the possibility of using a set of research methods, and not only those that are of “customary” (traditional) interest to political scientists. This set includes eight different research methods, selected on the basis of a review of the positions and methodological approaches dominating in the extensive literature on the subject. The hypothesis verification determines the structure of the article, which consists of the considerations focused around: (1) theoretical issues (2) methodological assumptions of the presented analysis, and (3) variants of the examination of the urban regime. The analysis confirms the hypothesis and proves that the application potential of the urban regime theory results from the possibility of using at least several research methods, with particular emphasis on those that are just gaining popularity among political scientists.

Abstract

The attitude of the Church towards the authoritarian and totalitarian state was originally determined by the fact of existence of the Ecclesiastical State. Its downfall contributed to the change in the optics of the papist policy. Leo XIII initiated open realistic policy. He declared the Church’s readiness to co-exist (co-operate) with any form of government or social system which would not disturb the essential ecclesiastical tasks. The opinion which won was that the objectives to be attained by the Church were beyond systems and politics. This approach allowed to develop a concept, that evangelization activity should be pursued in any socio-political reality, with adapted methods. Acceptance was granted to those state systems which declared that they would defend of the Church’s position, as evidenced by establishment of political relationships between the Holy See and III Reich, fascist Italy, Spain of gen. Franco. On the other hand, the communist (totalitarian) countries were accused of rejecting “the moral norms of co-existence defined by the Church”. One can state that the Vatican offered support to those governments or totalitarian and authoritarian states whose internal and foreign policy agreed with the interests of the Church.

During the pontificate of John XXIII, the Church started to express not only willingness to co-operate with each form of government, but also the need to have respect for other philosophies of life, including the leftist ones. As regards economic and political questions, the communist doctrine was not deprecated, unless in its extreme version. However, the doctrinal principles of materialism and programmatic atheism were consistently condemned and negated. Also, the Vatican decided to enter into dialogue with the extreme Left. Certainly, the papacy realised that the communist doctrine and totalitarian state in their very essence were enemies of the Church and religion. True evolution in the attitude towards different forms of governments and states was triggered by the II Vatican Oecumenical Council. While political struggle and discussion were avoided, disputes pertaining to philosophical views on life were undertaken. Agreement of any form was refused when atheism was “administratively succoured”.

During the pontificate of Paul VI specific guidelines, principles and rules of procedure were introduced to regulate co-operation with totalitarian communist states. In order to ensure functioning of the Church in totalitarian systems, the Vatican resigned from any polemics as related to capitalism and communism. In turn, the Church demanded from totalitarian regimes to cease imposing the totalitarian world-view on the society. And thus, the Church’s fight for the Christian outlook on life was not given up.

Depending on internal and external socio-political situation, and also on the form of the State and government concerned, the Church defined different conditions indispensable to be satisfied for its successful functioning. The evangelization mission was given superiority.