The interest of the Hungarians towards Asia is deeply rooted in the historical fact that the ancestors of the Hungarian nation arrived in their present country from the East. Over the centuries, this historical fact has significantly determined the interest and openness of the Hungarian people towards the East. In spite of the fact that the Hungarian people did not belong to the European colonizers, during the centuries, a large number of Hungarian travellers (monks, artists, scholars, and nobles) reached the coasts of India and contributed to the spread of Indian religions, literature, languages, arts, etc. in Europe.
As for Hungary, core motivation factors in building economic relations are boosting the export performance of SMEs and attracting FDI projects of high added value. India as an export market is definitely a challenging target for Hungarian companies as geographic distance, cultural differences, infrastructure, and regulatory barriers can all be considered as pull-back factors. Nevertheless, an innovative product and international experience combined with the involvement of a local partner can result in success. India is one of the most important Asian investors in Hungary with a very diverse FDI stock in terms of economic sectors. Indian investors are mostly satisfied with the business environment in Hungary; however, labour shortage is considered as a challenge to be addressed. Compared to building relations with China, India today receives less attention in Hungary. However, both governments could do a lot more in accelerating the interactions of Hungarian and Indian businesses and creating more opportunities to raise economic relations to the next level.
The main objective of the paper is to highlight the changes in the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania and the Romanian minority in Hungary living in the divided Transylvania from the Second Vienna Arbitration from 30 August 1940 to the end of WWII. The author analyses the Hungarian and Romanian governments’ attitude regarding the new borders and their intentions with the minorities remaining on their territories. The paper offers a synthesis of the system of reciprocity, which determined the relations between the two states on the minority issue until 1944. Finally, the negative influence of the politics of reciprocity is shown on the interethnic relations in Transylvania.
This paper critically analyses how the term ‘minority’ was conceptualized in the Habsburg and international political and legal thought from the nineteenth century until the Minority Treaties after the First World War. We argue that the phrase ‘national minority’ was absent from the legal language up to 1918. Our paper guides the reader through the various traditions and their interwar interpretations that shaped the emergence of the new concept of ‘minority’. The analysis of parliamentary discourses within the Habsburg Empire shows how old and new meanings coexisted in 1918.
This text re-constructs the evolution of anticommunist ideas and practices during the period of Romania’s ‘great union’, while it also sketches the international context that enabled this evolution. It is a genealogical discourse analysis that serves for a better understanding of Romania’s present political and social climate. The political, diplomatic and military process of crafting ‘Greater Romania’ between 1918 and 1919 rested fundamentally on the anticommunist discourse. This discourse functioned as a pretext for the armed interventions in the desired territories. It also helped to securitize and pacify these three territories. The Romanian army entered Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Transylvania with the goal of protecting the local population against Bolshevik disorders and ‘anarchy’. The anticommunist discourse evolved from the panic generated by retreating Russian soldiers and the ‘anarchy’ they created towards the fear of contagion with the revolutionary ‘psychosis’. The answer to the communist threat was invariably violent and militaristic in nature. The ideas and issues raised by the communists were never legitimized as a political project but as a crime and a pathology that could destroy society. In this context, what we now refer to as ‘the Great Union’ was largely the substitution of social and economic projects with the hegemonic narrative of anti-communism.
In my study, through the example of the free royal city of Sopron, I am searching for an answer to the question how the Reformation influenced the political actions of the city’s leading body and its room for movement within the frameworks of estates. I will attempt to show in sketches how the intellectual horizon that can be reconstructed behind the city’s government is connected to the mentality of Lutheran Reformation. By focusing on one particular field, the educational policy of the town council, I will try to disclose how this manifested in practice in view of Sopron’s new educational institution (the lycée) established and maintained by the town council without any aristocratic patronage, unparalleled at that time. Finally, in a short outlook beyond the boundaries of the investigated period and by focusing on the activities of one former teacher (János Ribini) and two alumni (Baron László Prónay and János Kis), I will give evidence for the continued existence of the lycée’s mentality – which I will call confessional-patriotic – even after the town council had lost its supervision of the educational institution.