This article deals with domestic climate change governance in Japan, China and South Korea between 1997 and 2010. It examines whether the modes of governance of these three states show congruencies. In order to test this, the thesis uses a model of analysis by Treib, Bähr and Falkner, which examines seven categories within the three dimensions of polity, politics and policy. In each category, corresponding modes of governance are located on a spectrum between state intervention and societal autonomy. As the results of the analysis show, the hypothesis of congruent modes of governance in all three East Asian states cannot be confirmed. However, Japan and China show strong similarities in six out of seven categories. Modes in both states can be located on the traditional side of the spectrum tending towards state intervention. South Korea’s modes of governance differ as they are hybrid in most of the categories. However, since the enforcement of the Korean Low Carbon, Green Growth Strategy in April 2010, Korea seems to be moving towards Japan’s and China’s so-called traditional modes of governance.
As one component of cultural memory, museums have the potential to co-form the remembrance of an entire society. They try to minimise the experience deficiency of their visitors and help them further to know and understand history in an interesting and vivid way. The present paper will show how and to what extent important museums in Japan, Germany and Austria try to shape the historical consciousness of their visitors. With the Yūshūkan in Tōkyō, the Heiwa Kinen Shiryōkan in Hiroshima, the Deutsches Historisches Museum in Berlin and the Heeresgeschichtliches Museum in Vienna, four representative institutions will be taken as indicators of the national efforts to re-appraise the history of World War II. Analyses of the different exhibitions, together with an international comparison, will document the individual position of each museum as well as its political intention. In addition, legal and cultural backgrounds that can lead to a country-specific, ideologically biased museum-based depiction of World War II will also be taken into consideration.
In Japan, citizens’ participation in urban planning is called machizukuri. This kind of cooperation between citizens and city administration in urban planning appeared in the 1970s, as a countermovement to the traditional top-down urban planning called toshikeikaku of the 1960s. Municipal city planning increasingly encouraged machizukuri projects, allowing citizens to participate in planning activities. The City of Yokohama in Kanagawa Prefecture promoted innovative methods of participation. From the ‘Letters to the Mayor’ in the late 1960s to current programmes, the City of Yokohama established many support measures for machizukuri activities and in the 1990s the administration approved the engagement of citizens as an important management tool, as seen in the City Construction Project for the Citizens of Yokohama. One contribution to this project is the Takashima Central Park Project, which started in 2008 and which is considered by many critics as a very successful participation project.
This paper focuses on the questions of how far the Takashima Central Park Project was successful and what the reasons for success or unspoken failure were by referring to the theories of the German political scientist Angelika Vetter and the German political sociologist Brigitte Geißel. The research is based on qualitative interviews with some of the people involved, such as citizens, planners and administrative personnel. The article will identify the various aspects of the complex variable ‘success’ and their interdependence.
This article tries to pursue three goals: first, how can a hard-to-define cultural concept such as tolerance in society be measured? Second, is it possible to draw conclusions about the tolerance level of a nation on the basis of an analysis of web search behaviour? And third, is there a relationship between the tolerance level in East Asian societies and their ability to attract highly qualified knowledge workers? Taking as its starting point Richard Florida’s claim that a high tolerance level in society represents an essential pull factor for attracting the most sought-after people in the world, this article analyses and interprets web search behaviour among Google users residing in Japan, Korea and China in order to identify issues related to tolerance in East Asia.
This article provides the reader with an outline of academic research on comfort women in China: its development and its main topics, the disciplines involved in the discourse and the timeline of events triggering and intensifying research in this area are discussed. Using a quantitative as well as a qualitative approach, I attempt to position these debates firstly within international discourses and secondly within general PRC historiography. The hypothesis being proposed is that in terms of topic as well as concerning the mode of research and presentation, comfort women-related research has been strongly influenced by an imagined Japanese revisionist interlocutor.
The article focuses on the representation of wartime Japan as a home (and home country) by analysing contemporary popular songs. Within this frame I show examples of how the Japanese state managed to influence the Japanese people through propaganda songs in order to gain the people’s moral support for the war effort. My essay aims further at drawing a picture of Japan’s musical world from the latter half of the 1930s to the end of World War II, as a detailed consideration of popular music and its surroundings always allows us to interpret much more than expected at first view.
In addition, I consider the mass media as a supporter of Japan’s ideological aims. The history of radio and record companies is firmly interwoven with the efforts of the Japanese state to manipulate people during the war years. The contribution from artists must also be considered an important part of this mosaic.
In 1978–1979 the news reporting on the Vietnamese boat people attracted attention from the whole world. Not only the media but also scientific researchers were interested in these mass refugees. However, this phenomenon has been detached from its context and perceived as a self-contained event on many occasions. Furthermore, most people were not aware of the fact that the main body of these refugees were ethnic Chinese, known as the Hoa. The study presented in this paper takes this as its starting point and focuses on the question of the motivations of the Hoa in leaving North Vietnam. It takes the historical, internal and foreign political context into consideration and identifies a political atmosphere extremely hostile to the ethnic Chinese.The páihuá policy drove them to leave behind what they had built up and led to the mass exodus of 1978–1979, but also gave the Hoa hope for a new and better life for themselves and especially for their future descendants outside of Vietnam.
While the organisation of sports in different countries is structured primarily on regional sports clubs, sports in Japan are based to a large extent on corporate sports. In corporate sports, Japanese companies are the owners of sports teams and their members must be employees of the company, meaning that the athletes work in addition to their sporting activities.
This article deals with the system of corporate sports, using the example of corporate judo teams. First, the author gives a detailed description of the corporate judo teams to show how the system works. The question is then posed why the corporate sports system still exists in judo while a large number of teams in many other sports have broken up since the 1990s, and the breakdown of the corporate sports system will be analysed.
Reasons for the preservation of the corporate sports system in judo were found in business relations, in the marketing of sports, in the organisation of sports in Japan and in the special importance of judo in that country. However, although the corporate sports system has been maintained in Japanese judo up to the present day, a trend towards a modern form of corporate sports can be seen.
The awarding of the world’s best known literature prize to the controversial Austrian writer Elfriede Jelinek in 2004 triggered off worldwide hype in its reception. So far, Jelinek’s works have been translated into more than 40 languages. Chinese is one of them. Although the author’s first works had already been translated back in the 1990s, on the Chinese mainland all translations of her works were actually published only after the key event of the Nobel Prize. They immediately received immense attention from the Chinese public and unleashed what could even be termed a ‘Jelinek fever’. This paper is devoted to shedding light on the first introduction and the unexpected success of this controversial Austrian Nobel laureate in the Chinese book market. It will give an overview of the Chinese translations of Jelinek’s works and will try to reveal some of the dynamics that led to their actual selection, translation, publication, marketing and status as bestsellers. The challenges of the rapidly transforming Chinese publishing industry and the impact of these challenges on the reception of foreign literature will be discussed. Furthermore, the paper will outline the crucial role of the intermediaries, especially of the powerful literary agency involved, in this process of cultural transfer.
Two successive Japanese hostage cases in Iraq in April 2004, where hostage-takers demanded the withdrawal of the Self Defence Forces in return for release of the hostages, turned into a discussion about ‘self-responsibility’.
This paper concentrates on an analysis of the discursive representation of ‘self-responsibility’. The aim is to explain how the media discourse on the hostage crisis and the hostages’ ‘self-responsibility’ is regulating and determining social structures with respect to which tasks self-responsibility has to take over, on the basis of the critical discourse analysis proposed by Norman Fairclough
The argument is that the principle of self-responsibility has come to replace the hitherto valid responsibility of the state to protect its citizens. This is happening in favour of the newly emerging principle of not accepting terrorism and of fulfilling one’s duty as an international state.