Should English be promoted as a worldwide lingua franca for justice-related reasons? Philippe Van Parijs answers affirmatively in order to promote global distributive justice. In contrast, I argue that a rapid expansion of English could lead to one undesirable consequence that ought to be prevented: the globalization of an Anglo-American life-world that impoverishes democratic-deliberative debates. Inspired by John Stuart Mill, I will defend the idea that the more dominant the Anglo-American life-world is, the less diversity of life-worlds and, therefore, the less diversity of substantial voices in the global democratic-deliberative process there will be. It might be that more voices could be heard (because of the lingua franca), but with less substantial diversity of opinions. In that sense, the life-worlds (and language as an access key to them) have an instrumental value that enables plurality and better deliberative discussion. For that reason, I contend that there is a pro tanto reason to prevent the expansion of English as a lingua franca.
One of the key concepts of the MIME (Mobility and Inclusion in Multilingual Europe) project is, obviously, ‘inclusion’. However, precisely describing what the concept means is not as straightforward as it may seem. It has been used in different contexts in scientific literature. This paper attempts to contribute to the enfolding MIME-framework by critically reflecting upon the definition of ‘inclusion’. Drawing upon theories of acculturation, three core concepts in minority literature, namely ‘assimilation,’ ‘integration,’ and ‘inclusion’ will be examined, and their differences demarcated. In the light of recent developments, such as transnationalism, it will be determined which concept is best suited to analyse contemporary accommodation processes of minorities in their countries of residence. After examining the trade-off between mobility and inclusion, a central topic in all MIMErelated research, some general conclusions about ‘inclusion’ and diversitymanagement will be drawn.
This article gives an overview of the actual situation of language rights in Slovakia, focusing mainly on the minority language usage. The status of minority languages in Slovakia is still a politicized question and a series of conflicts arose especially between Slovak political elites and the representatives of ethnic Hungarians because of the controversial legislation of minority language rights. Slovakia was subjected in the field of minority protection and heavily criticized during the adoption of the State Language Law. Strict regulations on the use of state language have negative effects on the use of minority languages as well. In spite of the fact that in 1999 the Law on Use of Minority Languages was adopted and Slovakia ratified all of the international agreements in this field, the problem of minority language usage was not solved. This legal vacuum motivated the Hungarian civil sphere to take alternative actions in order to ensure bilingualism and promote the use of minority languages in official communication. Summarizing the legal accommodation of minority language rights, this paper is devoted to examine a recently less-observed civil activism supporting the use of regional languages in Slovakia.
In the modern world, processes of migration are expected to contribute to economic development, the interchange of progressive technologies and knowledge as well as the blending of cultures. Solving the problems linked to migration processes is an important task to be accomplished by various state policies of European Union member countries. Both internal and external reasons explain why such policies are treated with much consideration nowadays. The present paper describes the development of European Union regulations on immigration and asylum, while tackling certain - primarily legal - aspects of immigration policies, too. Its conclusion based on the discussion of processes and legal provisions relates to the possible future of Europe.
In this paper, we will attempt to outline the process of how the nationality/minority rights, especially the minority language rights, were changed in the former Yugoslavia in the next period of times: … and how they have changed in Serbia since 1990, and in Vojvodina. We present the most significant constitutional and legal changes, their impact on the institutional and everyday life, and the language policy tendencies.
Finally, we discuss how the formation of the Serbian National Councils have shaped the linguistic rights of minorities in Vojvodina, in particularly after 2009, through examining the work, experiences, and the strategy of the Hungarian National Council and the Hungarians living there.
This paper is an elaboration of a theoretical framework we developed in the introductory chapter of our co-edited volume, State Traditions and Language Regimes (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2015). Using a historical institutionalism approach derived from political science, we argue that language policies need to be understood in terms of their historical and institutional context. The concept of ‘state tradition’ focuses our attention on the relative autonomy of the state in terms of its normative and institutional traditions that lead to particular path dependencies of language policy choices, subject to change at critical junctures. ‘Language regime’ is the conceptual link between state traditions and language policy choices: it allows us to analytically conceptualize how and why these choices are made and how and why they change. We suggest that our framework offers a more robust analysis of language politics than other approaches found in sociolinguistics and normative theory. It also challenges political science to become more engaged with scholarly debate on language policy and linguistic diversity.
This article investigates the situation of Hungarian ethno-linguistic minorities in Slovenia and the Slovak Republic. It compares the extent to which the two minority groups’ interests are satisfied and provides an explanation for differences between their de facto statuses. The authors use a logic-based methodology to extract the key parties, issues, and interests. Drawing on the analysis, the structure of each case (i.e. the dependencies between the parties’ interests) is displayed as a simple graph. Differences in the de facto status of the two groups can thus be explained by differences in the respective conflict structure. The authors argue that - as evidenced by the case of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia - a number of unresolved ethnolinguistic minority issues in Central Europe have a high conflict potential and may be a threat for security in the region and the European Union.
The Institute of Military History of the Hungarian Ministry of Defence decided in 2000 to try to find the marked or unmarked graves of Hungarian soldiers killed in World War II. Joining this initiative, Jozsef Patakv founded the Committee for the Preservation of Military Traditions from Turda (THHB). Among other things, the aim of establishing the Committee was to discover the identity of the Hungarian soldiers that died in action in the fall of 1944 in Torda (in Romanian: Turda: in the followings, we will use the traditionally Hungarian name of the town: Torda) and its surroundings, find the location where they were buried, and erect a worthy monument to their memory. A Hungarian Soldier Graveyard was created within the Central Hungarian Cemetery of Torda, which has since become a place of pilgrimage. In addition, more then fifty sites of Hungarian soldiers’ graves were discovered and in most of the cases properly marked since that time. In 2012, Jozsef Patakv was awarded the Hungarian Gold Cross by the Ministry of Defence for his untiring work to discover the places of burial and identify Hungarian soldiers that died in WWII, and for worthily keeping their memories alive.
The German community in Hungary suffered many blows at the end of World War II and after it, on the basis of collective guilt. Immediately after the Red Army had marched in. gathering and deportation started into the camps of the Soviet Union, primarily into forced-labour camps in Donetsk, the Caucasus, and the Ural mountains. One third of them never returned. Those left behind had to face forced resettlement, the confiscation of their properties, and other ordeals. Their history was a taboo subject until the change of the political system in 1989. Not even until our days, by the 70th anniversary of the events, has their story reached a worthy place in national and international remembrance. International collaboration, the establishment of a research institute is needed to set to rights in history the story of the ordeal of the German community after World War II. for the present and future generations
The study outlines the capturing of prisoners by the Red Army taking control over Transylvania in the fall of 1944. It presents the second wave of capturing: the deportations in January-February 1945, pronouncedly oriented toward the German community (Transylvanian Saxons and Swabians) primarily living in the Banat. There are described the circumstances of capturing the prisoners, the number of those taken away, the routes of their deportation, the locations and lengths of their captivity, the number of the victims, and the return of the survivors. Finally, the remembrance of the 1945 Soviet deportations, their present social embeddedness is expounded. The source material of the study consists of specialist books, essays, published recollections, and interviews with survivors made by the author and other researchers