This paper discusses theoretical debates regarding small states and their foreign policy and also argues that research should include more analysis of small states’ identities and the dominant meanings related to being a small state. Using poststructuralistic theoretical perspective and discourse analysis, two empirical cases – Lithuania and New Zealand – are analysed with attention paid to the meanings of smallness and the ways these meanings are constructed. Empirical analysis follows with suggestions for how future research of small states could be improved.
The Chinese One Belt One Road initiative refers to the idea of the so-called New Silk Road. This ancient trade route connected Asia’s Far East with Europe from the earliest times. In various historical periods, this way of trade has often been interrupted by violent events and rivalry of hegemons that are changing in this huge space.
The current OBOR project assumes an important role of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. It is an area that includes a large number of countries interested in intensifying cooperation with China and Asian countries.
However, the implementation of this project will certainly take many years. While the countries of this region are expecting quick infrastructural investments, in particular in the area of communication. This is a condition for the future success of the Chinese project.
On the other hand, there are many serious conflicts on the route of the planned route of major transport connections (i.e. in Syria, areas inhabited by Kurds). Without a long-lasting calming of this area, the implementation of this project will not be possible.
A number of studies point out a positive influence of entrepreneurship on economic growth. This is due to the role that entrepreneurs play in the economy by utilizing new knowledge, shaping markets, and pushing out unproductive incumbents. The ambitious One Belt One Road Initiative, which recently includes sixty Asian, African and European countries, aims at stimulating global economic development and prosperity. From the theoretical point of view, entrepreneurship is crucial for achieving the aim. Consequently, the intent of this paper is to analyze entrepreneurial behavior of the countries participated in the One Belt One Road Initiative, using the data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM). Distinct country clusters are identified and their entrepreneurial characteristics are interpreted.
The article presents an economic potential of the trade exchange between China and European Union using the new type of transport – basing on vacuum trains. This technology bases on transporting goods in a capsule. The capsule is moving inside an airtight tube, where the air pressure is decreased to about 100Pa. Owing to the low pressure, an air friction value is very low too, what is enabling to move the capsule inside the tube without meaningful energy loss from the air friction. The transport will provide a very fast and economical shipping of goods between China and Europe. It is expected, that the capsules can reach the speed about 1000 km/h.
Taking all these factors into account, there are new opportunities for the trade exchange with China. It applies especially to the transshipment- industrial districts like Sichuan, Yunnan, Kweichow, and the Chongqing city. The potential of these provinces is a population about 200 millions people, a territory which is twice the size of France and quick economic growth – about 10%. In 2016, the train from Chengdu to Łódź have left 463 times, in 2017 there are 1000 trains planned. The economy of Sichuan is basing on: agriculture, hydropower, big resources of natural gas, heavy industry, and electronics. In Chongqing, there are mainly: automotive, heavy industry, electronics, and chemical industry. In Yunnan dominate agricultural processing, natural resources, and heavy industry. From the viewpoint of polish business, the Sichuan province and the Chongqing city are especially noteworthy. These two are firstly making use of developing Chinese economy. They are also contributing to the „New Silk Road” – OBOR project (One Belt and One Road Initiative) and aspiring to become the trade, financial, scientific-technological and telecommunication-transport center.
The article is a synthetic outlook at Konrad Adenauer’s life, activity and the legacy of that politician, described in a tendentious way in the past period, and nowadays – after a temporary increase in the interest during the first years of systemic transformation – deserving a closer examination. In the initial part of the article, some integration concepts of past centuries have been outlined. Then, in a biographical sketch, Adenauer’s private and public activities were characterized, falling into diverse political periods, ranging from imperial Germany, to the post-war formation of the foundations of a reborn democratic state. His participation in these events is outlined. The main achievements of Adenauer during almost 30 years of work in the Cologne municipality are pointed out and the repressions he suffered during the Nazi regime and his participation in the post-war reconstruction of Germany were discussed: long-term leadership in the CDU and the 14-year period of government as the first chancellor of democratic post-war Germany. It was pointed out that the political line he designated, the active presence of Germany in the uniting Europe, proved to be very stable and continued by his successive successors.
We live in a “post-neoliberal world”, as it has been discussed in the mainstream literature, but the vital link between neoliberalism and neopopulism has been rarely discussed. Nowadays in international political science it is very fashionable to criticise the long neoliberal period of the last decades, still its effect on the rise of neopopulism has not yet been properly elaborated. To dig deeper into social background of neopopulism, this paper describes the system of neoliberalism in its three major social subsystems, in the socio-economic, legal-political and cultural-civilizational fields. The historical context situates the dominant period of neoliberalism between the 1970s in the Old World Order (OWO) and in the 2010s in the New World Order (NWO). In general, neoliberalism’s cumulative effects of increasing inequality has produced the current global wave of neopopulism that will be analysed in this paper in its ECE regional version. The neopopulist social paradox is that not only the privileged strata, but also the poorest part of ECE’s societies supports the hard populist elites. Due to the general desecuritization in ECE, the poor have become state dependent for social security, yet paradoxically they vote for their oppressors, widening the social base of this competitive authoritarianism. Thus, the twins of neoliberalism and neopopulism, in their close connections—the main topic of this paper—have produced a “cultural backlash” in ECE along with identity politics, which is high on the political agenda.