The authors decided to deal with the theme of the influence of corruption on the political processes in contemporary Spain and Catalonia. The investigation of this problem requires the reference to both: a political situation in entire state and in the peripheral region, included in the territorial range of Spain.
Therefore, the main objective of the article is the attempt to answer three questions: 1) What is the corruptive phenomenon based on and why a public sphere is endangered with it to such a degree?, 2) How did the Spanish citizens react to corruptive processes after 2008?, 3) Did Catalonia, whose politicians regard this region as definitely separate from Spain, differ considerably from a political centre and other regions of the country within intensity of the occurrence of corruptive phenomena after 2008?
Insolvency represents the state of the debtor’s patrimony characterized by insufficient funds available for the payment of certain, liquid and due debts. It may occur even in case of strong companies, for example, in case of listed companies, generating loses for investors. In economic theory, a series of insolvency risk prediction models were developed, based on the method of scores, the most known and used being the Altman model. At the present moment, five companies, traded at Bucharest Stock Exchange are insolvent. The aim of this paper is to establish if the Altman model can successfully be used for Romanian traded companies, to determine the risk of insolvency.
A new trend began to emerge with the improvement of living conditions and medical advancement: the trend towards longevity. This trend appeared slowly at beginning of the industrial revolution but has increased significantly in the 20th and the 21st centuries. This trend, which initially started hesitatingly in developed countries, has now extended to reach across the entire planet. Europe, as an initiator of the industrial revolution, is one of the world’s regions with the most aged population. One consequence of an aging process compounded by a drop in fertility rates is reflected in the organizational context, where potentially available employees are also much older. This has led to many changes in the proportion of employees over 60 years of age, and will require other changes in order to provide the human resource necessary for the optimal progress of professional activities.
Switzerland consists of different regions, cultures and languages. The minorities in Switzerland are in the first place ethno-linguistic minorities, whose are unified by a common language. Therefore, since the foundation of the Confederation in 1848 the Helvetic state has been considered a multilingual country. The confederation and cantons are obliged to protect linguistic minorities. The grounds of the Swiss social structure, with traditional multiculturalism and four national languages are two principles: language freedom (Sprachenfreiheit) and territoriality (Territorialitätsprinzip). Switzerland has no official state religion. Predominant religion is Christianity, the largest religious minorities is established by Islam. The largest Christian denominations are Catholic Church (37.7%) and Swiss Reformed Church (25.5%). The influx of new cultural minorities to Switzerland began aXer the Second World War and was directly connected with economic migration, with the large influx of gastarbeiters from southern European countries and refugees from the Third World and from the former Yugoslavia. International law includes the protection of national, yet not cultural minorities. In Switzerland the protection of national minorities is also based on international standards. The necessity for systematic integration policy in Switzerland appeared in the nineties of the twentieth century, after removing the anti-immigration tendencies and hostile attitude towards foreigners. There is a conflict of interest between democracy and state under the rule of law, and between majoritarian democratic politics and liberal principles. The conflict can be controlled; however it can not be resolved. The principle of the Swiss “unity in multiplicity” is best reflected in the multiculturalism and multilingualism of Switzerland, but also a relatively high percentage of the foreigners.
The article discusses the influence of digitalization on the organization of a political party and on its members. It presents an analysis of factors limiting and facilitating the development of a political party connected with the use of digital media. The analyses employ data gathered through quantitative and qualitative research conducted among backbenches, members of parliament and leaders of six Polish political parties. A positive connection has been demonstrated between a party’s age and the mode of using particular media types and communication tools. Also, attention has been paid to the phenomenon of digital divide and the possible means of connectivity to party political activity via new technologies, digital tools and digital media. Party members perceive traditional and direct forms as attractive; however, new parties with younger members clearly expect and practice more online activities.
The Serbo-Croatian language was but one of the casualties of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, as it was discursively forcefully split into first two, then three, and recently four allegedly separate languages. The first line of division was promoted by Serbian and Croatian nationalist linguists during the early nineties, soon to be followed by the invention of a standalone Bosnian language, even though contemporary linguistics agrees that Serbo-Croatian, with its regional varieties (as a standardized polycentric language), is a single language. Coming late into the fray, nationally-minded linguists from Montenegro achieved the state-driven proclamation of Montenegrin as a separate language to be in official use within the state only in 2007. Backed by the state, a coterie of nationalist literary theorists and linguists started discursively promoting Montenegrin in academic and public spaces, mostly via the dubious quasi-academic journal titled Lingua Montenegrina. This article explores the manners in which Montenegrin nationalist linguists discursively created what they dub to be a language entirely separate from all variants of Serbo-Croatian, which are mostly contained in encomiastic texts about key nationalists, attempts to classify several allophones and phonemes as well as to assert the purported primordial character of the language.
The purpose of this paper is to present the current condition of Ukrainian-Chinese economic relations, in particular initiatives related to the New Silk Road project. The author describes the main areas of cooperation between China and Ukraine, the results of individual initiatives, as well as the difficulties faced by some areas of bilateral cooperation. China turns out to be essential for Ukraine in a period when its relations with Russia have deteriorated and the European Union cannot provide Ukraine with sufficient support. The authorities in Beijing are aware of the strategic position of Ukraine, considering this country as an important link with Central and Western Europe. “is makes the bilateral cooperation very promising, and the increase of Chinese influence in Ukraine is an almost natural consequence of the good collaboration. An increasingly closer Ukrainian-Chinese cooperation results in a number of significant changes in Ukraine and its stronger statehood. According to the author, in the foreseeable future there will be further development of China’s economic expansion in Ukraine. The prospects for cooperation between these two countries are based on the current, multidimensional collaboration, which, however, encounters numerous barriers resulting from the economic weakness and the social capital of Ukraine.