This article explores the contemporary practice of forced detainment and expulsion in Switzerland from two distinct perspectives: the 1995 law on coercive measures that first introduced the practice in Switzerland, as well as the cultural context that led to its constitution, and the documentary Le vol spécial by Fernand Melgar, made some fifteen years after the law was first introduced, which records the law’s consequences for the daily lives of rejected asylum seekers awaiting expulsion. Using Giorgio Agamben’s theoretical work on the states of exception and bare life, I seek to uncover what I call the narrative of expulsion, arguing that narrative politics operates on a number of interrelated levels not only to shape the context and practice of forced expulsion that undergird the asylum politics in Switzerland, and other countries, today, but ultimately also to change the post-enlightenment narrative of the political subject and challenge the efficacy of the Human Rights regime the world over.
In seiner Schrift Das Dilemma des Verwaltungsmannes von 1965 bringt Fritz Morstein Marx, der Verwaltungswissenschaftler wie Verwaltungspraktiker auf beiden Seiten des Atlantiks tätig war, das Problem des Verwaltens folgendermaßen auf den Punkt: Verwalten muss auch immer eine gestalterische Komponente innehaben. Tut es das nicht, kann eine solche Beschränkung auf den bloßen Normvollzug langfristig zu Politikverdrossenheit führen. Jedoch droht der „Verwaltungsmann“ dabei seine Kompetenzen zu überschreiten, weswegen er Nachteile erleiden könnte. Es bieten sich zwei Reaktionen an: Das Verkriechen in ein Mauseloch, wo man in möglichst wenig Kompetenzprobleme gerät - oder aber umgekehrt die Übernahme von Verantwortung, auf die Gefahr hin, negative Konsequenzen zu befürchten. Morstein Marx plädiert für die zweite Lösung, bindet sie aber zugleich in ein Beamtenethos ein.
This contribution examines the role of trust in disabled veteran welfare in Bohemia during the First World War. It places this concern for disabled veterans’ trust in a wider political context as trust emerged as a specific concern in Cisleithanian political discourses on administrative reform around 1900. In the context of welfare for disabled veterans in Cisleithania, trust gained novel importance. Medical and occupational experts deemed it imperative to gain disabled veterans’ trust to maintain their role as experts and developed specific strategies of emotionally engaging with disabled soldiers to gain their trust. Karl Eger, a military official, emerged as an influential actor in Bohemian welfare for disabled veterans. He propagated a welfare administration based on local welfare boards, which would supposedly possess disabled veterans’ trust. His idea of trust was, however, based on concepts of national communities and he implemented it to re-organize disabled veteran welfare based on nationality.
The points of departure for the contribution are the Catholic Church’s prohibition of consanguineous and affinal marriage and the practice of dispensation with a geographic focus on the Diocese of Brixen, which comprised parts of historical Tyrol and Vorarlberg during the period of study. Granting dispensation was and remained an act of grace, even when government regulations began to interfere in administrative procedures in the late 18th century. The amount of dispensation applications regarding close degrees of consanguinity and affinity significantly increased during this time. Emotions were an integral part of these proceedings. Two central areas of interest are: What were the effects of recording emotions in the dispensation paperwork, and how were the ways that emotions were described in writing expressed in social interactions? The hypothesis of this study is that applicants tried using emotions as instruments for expediting their applications on the one hand, and that lower-level clergy used the practice of recording emotions in order to legitimize supporting dispensation applicants on the other hand.
This paper focuses on the migration crisis from the perspective of Slovakia while examining the impact of the crisis on the last parliamentary elections in 2016. The migration/refugee crisis that started in 2015 played a significant role during the pre-electoral discourse and political campaigns. This paper has two main goals. The primarily goal is to apply the theory of securitization as proposed by the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute on the case study of Slovakia, and the secondary goal is to analyze the 2016 Slovak general elections. In here, I describe the securitization processes, actors, and other components of the case. Subsequently, I focus on a key element of this theory that is linked to the speech act. I evaluate Islamophobia manifestations in speech act and political manifesto of Slovak political parties. My source base includes the rhetoric of nationalist political parties such as Direction-SD (Smer-SD), Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana), We Are Family-Boris Kollár (Sme Rodina-Boris Kollár), and Kotleba-People’ Party Our Slovakia (Kotleba-Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko), all of which often apply anti-Muslim and anti-Islam rhetoric.
This article examines the rise of the nascent intellectual and business bourgeois elites of the Czechs and Slovaks, focusing on the transformation of their cultural program into a political one. The article takes a comparative approach and investigates the relationship of political programs to prepolitical identities, zooming in on the parameters of a broader Czech and Slovak state identity, including the role of the center (Vienna, Pest, Prague, or Pressburg) or language (analyzing both its unifying and divisive roles in bridging the ideas and visions of the emerging local elites). As I argue, in the case of the Czech and Slovak nationalist movements, we can observe a transition from a prepolitical to the political program in the mid-19th century itself.
The essay is dedicated to the idealized emotionlessness of early modern Spanish office holders. It focuses on the so called corregidores, which represented the king and administered justice in major Spanish cities. Their instructions often idealized the total lack of pasiones or at least their complete invisibility. Such a discarding of all affects echoed the ideals of impartial judges, just kings and uninterested clerics and had specific functions, especially in cities with their high density of mutual observation. To live accordingly, that is, with one’s own emotions permanently held in check, required personal aptitude, appropriate age and a process of education and study which should convert certain habits into a ›second nature‹ and thus distinguish the corregidor significantly from the society over which he was to judge. Constantly checked by society however, this second nature would corrupt, if not protected by a rigid and permanent »vigilance over oneself«.