The paper deals with the relations between Danish pronunciation and the so-called ‘normative orthography’, i.e. the official Danish writing rules as laid down by the authorities in orthographic directives since 1889. The specific aim of the paper is to suggest a model for defining and describing the different kinds of normative orthography and their mutual relations. The criteria used for placing the orthographic rules in the model are (a) whether the rule is dependent on pronunciation or not, and (b) whether the resulting orthography (i.e. the prescribed letters) are linguistic signs (inflectional endings, morphemes) or non-signs. The model thus consists of four types of normative orthography, i.e. autonomous expression orthography (Danish: autonom udtryksortografi), autonomous content orthography (Danish: autonom indholdsortografi), mirrored expression orthography (Danish: spejlet udtryksortografi) and mirrored content orthography (Danish: spejlet indholdsortografi). Among these, mirrored expression orthography constitutes the core domain, followed by mirrored content orthography, which has been a growing domain after the 1889-directives, and autonomous content orthography, which is a potentially growing domain.
The term Fr. confixe is not new and was used for the first time in 1982 but at present it is actually only used in German language linguistic literature. Confixes are morphemes of Latin and Greek origin that can form words with stems, affixes and other confixes. The article is an attempt at describing the confix øko- in the Danish language as well as its semantic and morphological properties. The status of confixes is unusual because they are actually bound morphemes with the exception that two confixes can form a word. The use of øko- shows that it is on the way to becoming a free morpheme (root), or perhaps it has become it already.
Communication style on signs in public spaces reflects the sociocultural values of a speech community and provides insight into its preferred mode of communication with unknown communication partners. The linguistic routines present in these texts are part of professional linguistic competence. Starting with an inadequate Danish translation of a sign in a German supermarket, this article examines texts on Danish signs with the purpose of identifying and describing the inventory of patterns for this particular genre. Using Sandig’s text linguistic approach, a corpus of about 200 texts was analyzed with respect to the linguistic patterns for regulating behavior or conveying information - the most prominent linguistic actions on signs. The analysis comprises the grammatical forms, the lexical means to characterize the intended message, mitigation strategies, face saving strategies and irony as well as expressions of emotional involvement by the communicator. The results do not allow a general conclusion about preferred patterns but show the potential range of options. Two observations might be pointed out as salient, namely the use of huske ‘remember’ as presequence for getting attention or as part of the proposition and the relative scarcity of mitigating strategies.
Guðbrandur Vigfússon, an Icelander born in Galtardalur, Dalasýsla, was without doubt one of the most influential scholars of Old Norse studies of his day. His diplomatic edition of Flateyjarbók, his critical edition of Sturlunga saga, and his anthology An Icelandic Prose Reader are still of use to those without access to the relevant manuscripts. In this essay, I would like to survey his career (in Copenhagen and Oxford) as an editor of Old Norse-Icelandic texts and the legacy that he has left to his successors in the field of Old Norse studies.
H.C. Andersen’s fairy tale The Ice Maiden is in many ways very modern, especially when we take into account its formal and rhetorical devices. The narrative is not invented by the author as the story is compound of travel journeys, popular readings of the time and so on. Andersen himself indicated some of his sources. In the following paper I would like to discuss the relationship between the fairy tale and the so called „Gebirgserzählung“ from the 18th and 19th century, which was extremely popular at the time. While the core of a “Gebirgserzählung” often consists in a young couple, that after many troubles in the end comes happily together, this is not the case in The Ice Maiden, as Andersen let the protagonist die. It looks as if Andersen would argue in favour of predetermination, based on Christian belief. However, this conclusion is not convincing because it fails to explain the obvious injustice of Rudy’s fate. In what follows I suggest a rhetorical explanation of the protagonist’s death. In such a view Rudy’s death is not to be understood as predetermined, but as a result of Andersen’s fear of his own modernity. What he demonstrates is how an entire story can be the result of other stories, how literature is based on literature. But the author himself seems not to be mature for this insight and that’s the reason why he let the protagonist die.
The first verses of Genesis have been translated into Swedish and many other languages several times and in quite different ways. The variations presuppose correspondingly distinct images of the very first moments of creation and, in consequence, different spatial coordinates. The article examines the linguistic ground of some of the images, asking questions on the translators’ own creative contribution to our understanding of the Bible. The Swedish monumental Bibel 2000 is the outgoing point of the analysis.
The present paper focuses on some frequent Swedish thank formulas that do not seem to fit the pattern of thanking - either syntactically or semantically. One example of the syntactic irregularities is tack för senast, ‘thanks for last time’ (lit. ‘thanks for lastADV’), where the prepositional phrase consists of an adverbial (not a nominal) component relating to time. On the other hand, the Swedish tack för mig, ‘thanks for me / myself’, does not conform to the semantics of thanking, as it seems to suggest that the speaker himself is the only proper reason for thanking, not - as usually expected - ‘something good’ for the speaker, i.e. an action brought about for him or her by the addressee. Some similarities with the Polish phrases for thanking (which also include adverbs but are fewer and less frequent in comparison Swedish), e.g. dziękuję za dziś, ‘thanks for today’, have also been taken into consideration. Such constructions can be analysed and explained in terms of metonymy. Furthermore, the thank formulas including the temporal adverbs seem to reflect the significance of time as a special value in the Swedish culture.
The paper is a brief study of the Danish expression lavær! (lad være). The author presents the expression’s origin and makes comments regarding lavær-related problems of orthographic, phonetic and semantic nature. The paper is concluded with remarks concerning the expression’s grammatical and syntactic status.
This paper aims to describe the origin of the Lithuanian discontinuatives nebe- / jau nebe- ‘no more, no longer’. In van der Auwera’s terms they represent the so-called ‘still’ discontinuatives, i.e. they consist of a continuative morpheme -be- and negation ne-. In Old Lithuanian texts (16th century) their productivity is strictly connected to the area of Lithuania Minor (former East Prussia). Both variants (i.e. nebe- / jau nebe- ‘no more, no longer’) have structural counterparts in German, which seems to suggest that nebe- and jau nebe- have come into being under influence of German.